|
Home
Papers
Images
Newspaper articles
Contact
|
Newspaper Articles
Waiting for the visit of the Spanish Prime Minister
to the two Occupied Moroccan cities:
-20 000 Smugglers and 20 000 unemployed benefit
from the status quo of Ceuta and Mellila.
-Only through solving the colonial problematic will
the relationships between Morocco and Spain get along.
By Mohammed Alarbi Almassari
Achamal, No.302, January 17-23, ?
The emancipation of Ceuta, Mellila and the Mediterranean rocks as a whole
concerns Morocco for it has to do with the completion of the territorial
unity of the country. This is a principle that takes the shape of a belief
because it has to do with our spiritual and physical being, that is, with
the Moroccan identity constructed by spiritual, territorial and physical
heritage. All these are indivisible.
Annasiri in Alistiqsa (volume: 9, page: 88) speaking of the war
of TetAouan (1859-1860) criticized the defeatists who lack envy for their
country. He said that there were of Moroccans back then those who would
say “why I should rally with the people of Tetaouan. Let the people
of Tetaoun fight for their Tetaoun. I wait till the war reaches my camp
in Abda or Dukkala”.
Such corrupt logic is unacceptable because countries are built and premised
upon one unified territory. Unified and its components completed it survives
and achieves its security. Morocco becomes crippled if one of its territorial
constituents that create the nation’s spiritual, territorial and
material heritage is lacking.
Why the North?
The Domination of Extremists
The European Union is expected but to be realistic in dealing
with issues of this kind: the problematic of the Moroccan Sahara, for
instance, still lies pending in the perspectives of international organizations.
But, the Union does not insist on this issue when dealing with Morocco
although there are a few voices in the European parliament that objects
to the fact that the territorial waters south of the latitude 27, 40 belong
to Morocco. Let alone the case of Ceuta and Mellila that has not yet been
raised in the European parliament, for instance, to condemn the Spain’s
continuous occupation of the two cities.
The problematic of Ceuta and Melilla comes to the scene by dint of events
such as the attack made by the Terso in Melilla and the crisis that grew
into shape in 1996. The latter is re-enacted now because of the illegal
African immigrants deported in circumstances that incurred more reactions
than the Terso accident did. There seems to be a desire to keep secret
the way Moroccans are treated. The racial accidents that take place in
Ceuta and Melilla are hardly brought to the public’s attention while
the issue of Africans forced to immigrate was raised in the parliament.
Successive articles tackling the subject had been being published for
weeks. This is the outcome of an unspoken agreement in Spanish media whose
aim is to efface all that has to do with the two Moroccan occupied cities
in order not to breed reactions as happened when the law of the immigrants
broke down in 1985.
It is due to the total arrogance inherent in the attitude of the political
groups in Spain towards Ceuta and Melilla that the matter is of a particular
sensitivity. As regards the matter, there is a growing pressure on the
government and parliament that led to silencing the few and marginal voices
that called for rationally figuring out the problem in the context of
ridding Moroccan-Spanish relations of the remnants of the colonial era.
Because of such an attitude, the Communist Party was driven to a state
of non-existence in the two cities. The last pronouncement made by the
Communists, who are historically known for their call to restore the land
to its owners, was expressed by Mr. Otereem, the leader of the Commucionos
Opreras. He said the two cities should remain in the possession of Spain
where democracy prevails. It should not be handed to a country that is
politically and economically backward. This means that Leftists’
logic in treating the issue of Ceuta has drawn on new elements. Communists
have lately modified their attitude while Socialists have entertained
a modified, realistic vision. The door has been opened to extremists.
Because of the prevailing arrogance solving this problem needs time. There
is only a minority in Spain that does Morocco justice as regards this
issue, drawing on the combination of relations with Morocco, which is,
roughly speaking, a negative attitude. Those of an extremist outlook are
influential as well. From the Moroccan side, a state of pragmatic waiting
dominates. There is no feeling for an urgent and quick solution. See the
questionnaire on the subject (Shoon Maghribiya, February 96).
A Locked Door for Developing Ceuta and Mlilla
In a research revolving around Ceuta and Melilla and the
aftermaths of Spain’s belonging to European Common Market (Maghrib
5/ 6/ 93), Jamal Addin Machbale studied the tax arrangements used in Ceuta
and Melilla concerning taxes that go for Spain and those that go for the
provinces. It was observed that the basic economic activity in the two
cities was commerce. For that reason, economy in the two cities was boosted
through offering very tempting facilities on the part of the customs.
He discussed the hypothesis of totally integrating the economy of Ceuta
and Melilla within the European economy, that is, the possibility of applying
the complete system of taxes to the two cities whereby the customs barriers
are done without.
This hypothesis is the result of an analysis that has it that the economy
of the two cities was founded on realities that can no longer be lived.
After Spain has allowed the two cities self-rule that puts an end to their
exceptional status as regards administrative and legal organization that
may move to a later stage: the economic integration of the two cities
within the over-all texture of the Spanish economy.
There is another reading that warns that if the current customs barriers
are raised and if free transportation of goods between the two cities
and the rest of the EU allowed, the imported products will be subject
to VAT as is the case in Spain. Ceuta and Melilla will be overwhelmed
by European products when the two cities lack industrial and agricultural
to exchange and profit by the freely invading markets of the countries
of the Union. Since the basic activity of the two cities in the present
is international trade, this activity will die away to honour parity of
trading conditions all over the European Union’s territories. Product
prices in local markets will increase which the economy of the two cities
which is basically primarily based on services (currently 85 per cent,
benefiting from taxation advantages) will not be able to resist. It will
be necessary to look for alternative revenues for the state as well as
for the provinces as regards the two cities. If we approach the matter
through the Moroccan viewpoint we can add that in this case contraband
will disappear by its own accord when the prices of products exhibited
in Ceuta and Melilla conforming to the same taxes collected in the European
Union become more expensive than the products made in Casablanca.
As a result of sensing these challenges in the two cities
are taking place, as if racing with time, programs of renovating buildings
and enlarging the two ports as a way to strengthen industrial and touristic
qualifications and acquiring new capabilities. Given the speed of the
development of the Spanish economy and thanks to the precious code of
the European Union a strong economic progress is marked in the two cities.
However, it is a development that is based on the facilitations and privileges
established as a result of the system of the free port.
At present, it seems that the efforts of the Spanish side are focused
on reinforcing the economic power of the two cities, having crossed irrevocable
distance in applying the law of the immigrants in 86, offering the two
cities self-governance. Both actions took place during the rule of the
Communist government.
As time passed by, a current of interests has taken form in the direct
milieu related to these two acts, a current that has created an atmosphere
of dependency embodied in what we call the social file represented in
smuggling. Things unravel in a way that makes the Spanish and Moroccan
sides do away with measures marking a break such as closing borders. As
concerns Morocco, closing the borders with the two cities means shouldering
the burden of 20 000 smugglers and 20 000 unemployed (Fouad Azaim: Le
Maroc Mediteranean, “Aljisr”, Tetuan, March 95).
In this regard are such issues as the naturalization of Moroccans in Ceuta
and Melilla, belonging to the motherland via spiritual ties, education
and the importance of the freedom of movement from across the now flexible
borderlines concerning relatives belonging to the same families.
Fernando Moran, the European M.P of the Socialist Party who is one of
the prominent voices that criticized the affirmation of the two cities’
self-rule (Diario 16: 27/07/93), spoke in his book “Spain’s
Foreign Policy” published in 1980 about Ceuta and Melilla and
focused on the geographical milieu of the two cities. He said that besides
a serious policy towards Morocco that makes it aware of the high price
of an objecting attitude towards Ceuta will cost it there must be created
a pole of development in the two cities that does not hinder their surroundings.
Yet, one that is profitable for neighbouring regions.
The status quo may not prevent Morocco from attacking the
two cities but may make it difficult. The growing social and economic
interests will make it inconceivable to establish a hostile atmosphere.
Yet, the status quo may even ensure that the direct neighbours will not
take part in that hostile act. Melilla is linked to its geographical depth
and it is the natural window of the Eastern region. This allows thinking
of making a link between Melilla’s port and Bni Anssar and participating
in the steel-works in Nadoure. Moslem inhabitants in Melilla reach 30
per cent and in Ceuta 20 per cent. They are a group that tends to grow
and this must be a disturbing concern if an elastic policy is to be followed
concerning the interaction of the two cities with their geographical depths.
A Mined File
Till the question of the two cities is resolved, they will
remain in the eyes of Morocco besides a national demand, a goal that must
be reached for Morocco to restore its stature and role as a Mediteranean
country.
In the Mediterranean basin, with the foundation of the European
Union and with the emergence of Euro-Mediteranean politics, a political,
economic and cultural space that may play a distinguished part in the
international political scene has grown into being. As we have said, Morocco
chose to be part and parcel of the international economy via its connection
with this space and its growing proximity to Europe.
Although the European Union may go to great lengths to integrate
countries from Eastern Europe, some have it that the European coalition
that looms large, which will stand as a rival to America and Japan, will
consist of a number of foci one of which are the countries of Southern
Latin America that have traditional relations with countries of the Mediterranean
on the Southern bank. In this regard, it is imperative to keep up with
any progress made in this region that is vital for Morocco. This entails
possessing the tools to communicate with the elements of this Mediterranean
space. A case in point is developing Northern regions by means of a courageous
program to develop the infrastructure especially ports to cement ties
with the Mediterranean.
Ceuta and Melilla have become a primary concern in a number of negative
aspects. They are in particular the source of a huge, organised contraband
and another of a low scale that ensures job opportunities in the informal
economy. The scale of contraband was differently estimated and it has
grown from four to five billion dirhams in 1982, from five to six billion
dirhams in 1986 to ten billion in the early 1990s, according to newspapers
and university researches. If contraband of the low scale relies on consumer
goods, electric and electronic apparatuses and household utensils, contraband
of the large scale includes cars, engines of industrial and agricultural
machines, hard currency, gold and drugs of all kinds. Goods are smuggled
from Ceuta and Melilla to nearby as well as distant markets, from Algeria
where the word “trabando” emerged distorted from
the Spanish word, to quarters in the middle of Europe. (See: Les altimas
colonias, pp, 80-88)
Since contraband emerged from the two cities towards Morocco in the 1960s
as economic conditions in the Northern region worsened, it has become
a means of making a living for no less than half a million people in the
ocean of the peninsula of Tangiers and the Eastern Rif. The authorities
are fully aware of the importance of contraband in the two regions in
creating job opportunities within the framework of informal economy. Hence,
the measures for chasing contraband the country has seasonally witnessed
in the last years did not include the regions in the vicinity of Ceuta
except when it came to drugs.
Media indulgently talked about a manifest reality that the Eastern Rif
and the region of Tetouan have magnetized the unemployed even from outlying
places. This has thrown the two regions under the weight of growing numbers
of the unemployed that cannot be contained. Observers have noted that
the number of people getting identity cards issued from Tetuoan is remarkably
on the rise because the inhabitants of Tetuoan have easy access to Ceuta
by means of customs and security facilitations.
Rehabilitating the North
In February 1993, it was announced that twenty billion dirham
were devoted to finance programs directed towards the rehabilitation of
the North for nearly five millions of people. In the mid 1980s a similar
pronouncement was made but the then government was unable to know how
to put those programs into practice because the twenty billions spoken
of in 1984 did not figure in the country’s financial law.
The old age of this file signifies the meaning we associate in Morocco
with the word priority. In short, the file of the rehabilitation of the
north moves very slowly.
The European Union was interested in the program of rehabilitating the
North for reasons that concerns it. On top of these reasons is putting
an end to immigration and substituting the cultivation of the Kif. The
president of the EU addressed a letter concerning the program of the North
in early 1993. (See the speech of his majesty the king on 10/ 02/ 93).
Besides, an envoy from the EU visited Morocco in April1993 to see what
the EU could offer to help Morocco accomplish the program for developing
the Riff.
On 04/ 08/ 1993 the government agreed upon legislation 82/17 related to
industrial investments within the framework of the royal speech concerning
the development of the North. Then, the agency of the development of the
Northern regions was formed and after a couple of months a manager was
appointed on 20th June 1996. It goes without saying that these programs
and desires need to be sponsored. The EU is expected to contribute to
the program of the development of the North. It is also obvious that the
Union has got urgent conditions concerning transparency and making sure
that budgets are spent on the right persons and for the right purposes.
On appointing the manager of the agency of the development of the North,
his majesty the king pointed to this. Speaking of transparency that should
dominate all the accounts of the agency, his majesty the king said that
“its accounts and administration must be made known to the philanthropists
from abroad as well as from home. Thereby, they will see for themselves
where their money was spent and what end it came to”.
After exposing these aspects which the continuous colonization of Ceuta
breeds and the historical, political and economic background characteristic
of these aspects, we must observe the following:
There are two disparate speeds in dealing with the issue
of Ceuta and Melilla. Concerning Spain, its lucrative, economic conditions
and political development, which made it very well-positioned, availed
it of many a card to back up its attitude in the EU as regards the Moroccan
issue in particular. As regards Ceuta and Melilla, Spain has achieved
a lot in cementing its attitude which had been vulnerable up to the 1980s.
During the rule of the Socialist government, the law of immigrants was
implemented in 1985 where the position of Moroccans in Ceuta and Melilla
was decisively raised. In 1995, the system of local governance was enforced
which caused a change in the administrative and legal status of the two
cities. As far as Morocco is concerned, we believe that the question of
priority which should be given to the development of the Northern regions
is all the more crippled because of the political and economic conditions
that give birth to other priorities. In this context, we wonder what effect
the foundation of Bni Anssar port has had on the activity of the port
of Melilla. This point should be explored. We have hugely invested therein.
So, what are the economic and political results of this investment; we
having entertained optimistic expectations being enthusiastically immersed
in the policy of ports in the late 1970s?
The legal state of affairs Spain has been creating through measures such
as admitting self-rule in the two cities is not a preoccupying matter.
This does in no way change the fact that Spain’s existence in Ceuta
and Melilla is a colonial one. It is no more than another new change in
the legal and administrative status of two cities whose regimes have changed
twenty three times since the legislation of the constitution of Cadiz
in 1912. What is really preoccupying is the ability of Morocco to viably
expound its case, being internally strong and internationally well-positioned.
Nowadays, the starting-point of international relations is premised on
solving the pending problems amicably and cooperatively. However, it is
inevitable that in every negotiation the two conflicting parties should
stand on equal grounds. Otherwise, the reached agreements will be unfair
and its results biased. Relations between Morocco and Spain throughout
the past centuries have been marked by an amity that is suspicious or
temporarily moments of conflict. During a rather short period relations
between the two countries were marked by infirmities caused by forcing
a humiliating condition on Morocco: dependency. That lasted for no more
than forty years during the Protectorate era. There looms large at present
clear signs to overcome past stigmas except that of Ceuta, Melilla and
the Rocks.
Since democracy prevailed in Spain, the successive Spanish governments
have been unable to solve the problem of Ceuta and Melilla. Meanwhile,
the voice of extremists has been remarkably raised and the impediments
and hindrances have grown. Entertaining the idea of the Spanishness of
the two cities maybe a source of a feeling of unease because of the recent
quagmire Spain has plunged into. Side by side the commemoration of the
500th anniversary of the occupation with accounts that surpass 110 pesetas
comes the feeling that regardless of the advantages the city may be given,
Melilla and Ceuta’s authorities’ hold on Madrid and Brussels
will lose its effect in the long run. The economy of the two cities depends
on the customs facilitations which the system of free port guarantees.
The grants Brussels gives are meant to enhance the economy of the two
cities to integrate it into the European cosmos. A fabricated economy
lacking in vital element cannot go on withstanding the aftermaths of naturalization
with the European milieu.
In other words, the two cities will be a burden that grows the heavier
as time passes by. As a result of this bleak conception of the future
those calling for provocative celebration of the memory of colonization
in a way to endorse the colonial presence in the two cities moved convulsively.
This stigma brings us back to the past and marks Spain’s attitude
as unfounded not because it is irrational. Keeping rocks that can but
hold the flagpole “as possessions belonging to the Spanish sovereignty”
is a surrealist state of affairs at variance with modernity. Only through
mutual respect can relations between Spain and Morocco get on well. Leaving
the problem of colonization unresolved, self-respect is lacking let alone
respect for the other who mars this dignity.
Translated by Abdelmjid Kettioui
Return to Press Index
page
|
|
