Newspaper articles 29, Contraband Modern in the Fes Medina

Waiting for the visit of the Spanish Prime Minister to the two Occupied Moroccan cities:

-20 000 Smugglers and 20 000 unemployed benefit from the status quo of Ceuta and Mellila.

-Only through solving the colonial problematic will the relationships between Morocco and Spain get along.

By Mohammed Alarbi Almassari
Achamal, No.302, January 17-23, ?

The emancipation of Ceuta, Mellila and the Mediterranean rocks as a whole concerns Morocco for it has to do with the completion of the territorial unity of the country. This is a principle that takes the shape of a belief because it has to do with our spiritual and physical being, that is, with the Moroccan identity constructed by spiritual, territorial and physical heritage. All these are indivisible.

Annasiri in Alistiqsa (volume: 9, page: 88) speaking of the war of TetAouan (1859-1860) criticized the defeatists who lack envy for their country. He said that there were of Moroccans back then those who would say “why I should rally with the people of Tetaouan. Let the people of Tetaoun fight for their Tetaoun. I wait till the war reaches my camp in Abda or Dukkala”.

Such corrupt logic is unacceptable because countries are built and premised upon one unified territory. Unified and its components completed it survives and achieves its security. Morocco becomes crippled if one of its territorial constituents that create the nation’s spiritual, territorial and material heritage is lacking.

Why the North?

The Domination of Extremists

The European Union is expected but to be realistic in dealing with issues of this kind: the problematic of the Moroccan Sahara, for instance, still lies pending in the perspectives of international organizations. But, the Union does not insist on this issue when dealing with Morocco although there are a few voices in the European parliament that objects to the fact that the territorial waters south of the latitude 27, 40 belong to Morocco. Let alone the case of Ceuta and Mellila that has not yet been raised in the European parliament, for instance, to condemn the Spain’s continuous occupation of the two cities.

The problematic of Ceuta and Melilla comes to the scene by dint of events such as the attack made by the Terso in Melilla and the crisis that grew into shape in 1996. The latter is re-enacted now because of the illegal African immigrants deported in circumstances that incurred more reactions than the Terso accident did. There seems to be a desire to keep secret the way Moroccans are treated. The racial accidents that take place in Ceuta and Melilla are hardly brought to the public’s attention while the issue of Africans forced to immigrate was raised in the parliament. Successive articles tackling the subject had been being published for weeks. This is the outcome of an unspoken agreement in Spanish media whose aim is to efface all that has to do with the two Moroccan occupied cities in order not to breed reactions as happened when the law of the immigrants broke down in 1985. 

It is due to the total arrogance inherent in the attitude of the political groups in Spain towards Ceuta and Melilla that the matter is of a particular sensitivity. As regards the matter, there is a growing pressure on the government and parliament that led to silencing the few and marginal voices that called for rationally figuring out the problem in the context of ridding Moroccan-Spanish relations of the remnants of the colonial era. 

Because of such an attitude, the Communist Party was driven to a state of non-existence in the two cities. The last pronouncement made by the Communists, who are historically known for their call to restore the land to its owners, was expressed by Mr. Otereem, the leader of the Commucionos Opreras. He said the two cities should remain in the possession of Spain where democracy prevails. It should not be handed to a country that is politically and economically backward. This means that Leftists’ logic in treating the issue of Ceuta has drawn on new elements. Communists have lately modified their attitude while Socialists have entertained a modified, realistic vision. The door has been opened to extremists.

Because of the prevailing arrogance solving this problem needs time. There is only a minority in Spain that does Morocco justice as regards this issue, drawing on the combination of relations with Morocco, which is, roughly speaking, a negative attitude. Those of an extremist outlook are influential as well. From the Moroccan side, a state of pragmatic waiting dominates. There is no feeling for an urgent and quick solution. See the questionnaire on the subject (Shoon Maghribiya, February 96).

A Locked Door for Developing Ceuta and Mlilla

In a research revolving around Ceuta and Melilla and the aftermaths of Spain’s belonging to European Common Market (Maghrib 5/ 6/ 93), Jamal Addin Machbale studied the tax arrangements used in Ceuta and Melilla concerning taxes that go for Spain and those that go for the provinces. It was observed that the basic economic activity in the two cities was commerce. For that reason, economy in the two cities was boosted through offering very tempting facilities on the part of the customs. He discussed the hypothesis of totally integrating the economy of Ceuta and Melilla within the European economy, that is, the possibility of applying the complete system of taxes to the two cities whereby the customs barriers are done without.

This hypothesis is the result of an analysis that has it that the economy of the two cities was founded on realities that can no longer be lived. After Spain has allowed the two cities self-rule that puts an end to their exceptional status as regards administrative and legal organization that may move to a later stage: the economic integration of the two cities within the over-all texture of the Spanish economy. 

There is another reading that warns that if the current customs barriers are raised and if free transportation of goods between the two cities and the rest of the EU allowed, the imported products will be subject to VAT as is the case in Spain. Ceuta and Melilla will be overwhelmed by European products when the two cities lack industrial and agricultural to exchange and profit by the freely invading markets of the countries of the Union. Since the basic activity of the two cities in the present is international trade, this activity will die away to honour parity of trading conditions all over the European Union’s territories. Product prices in local markets will increase which the economy of the two cities which is basically primarily based on services (currently 85 per cent, benefiting from taxation advantages) will not be able to resist. It will be necessary to look for alternative revenues for the state as well as for the provinces as regards the two cities. If we approach the matter through the Moroccan viewpoint we can add that in this case contraband will disappear by its own accord when the prices of products exhibited in Ceuta and Melilla conforming to the same taxes collected in the European Union become more expensive than the products made in Casablanca.

As a result of sensing these challenges in the two cities are taking place, as if racing with time, programs of renovating buildings and enlarging the two ports as a way to strengthen industrial and touristic qualifications and acquiring new capabilities. Given the speed of the development of the Spanish economy and thanks to the precious code of the European Union a strong economic progress is marked in the two cities. However, it is a development that is based on the facilitations and privileges established as a result of the system of the free port. 

At present, it seems that the efforts of the Spanish side are focused on reinforcing the economic power of the two cities, having crossed irrevocable distance in applying the law of the immigrants in 86, offering the two cities self-governance. Both actions took place during the rule of the Communist government.

As time passed by, a current of interests has taken form in the direct milieu related to these two acts, a current that has created an atmosphere of dependency embodied in what we call the social file represented in smuggling. Things unravel in a way that makes the Spanish and Moroccan sides do away with measures marking a break such as closing borders. As concerns Morocco, closing the borders with the two cities means shouldering the burden of 20 000 smugglers and 20 000 unemployed (Fouad Azaim: Le Maroc Mediteranean, “Aljisr”, Tetuan, March 95). In this regard are such issues as the naturalization of Moroccans in Ceuta and Melilla, belonging to the motherland via spiritual ties, education and the importance of the freedom of movement from across the now flexible borderlines concerning relatives belonging to the same families. 

Fernando Moran, the European M.P of the Socialist Party who is one of the prominent voices that criticized the affirmation of the two cities’ self-rule (Diario 16: 27/07/93), spoke in his book “Spain’s Foreign Policy” published in 1980 about Ceuta and Melilla and focused on the geographical milieu of the two cities. He said that besides a serious policy towards Morocco that makes it aware of the high price of an objecting attitude towards Ceuta will cost it there must be created a pole of development in the two cities that does not hinder their surroundings. Yet, one that is profitable for neighbouring regions.

The status quo may not prevent Morocco from attacking the two cities but may make it difficult. The growing social and economic interests will make it inconceivable to establish a hostile atmosphere. Yet, the status quo may even ensure that the direct neighbours will not take part in that hostile act. Melilla is linked to its geographical depth and it is the natural window of the Eastern region. This allows thinking of making a link between Melilla’s port and Bni Anssar and participating in the steel-works in Nadoure. Moslem inhabitants in Melilla reach 30 per cent and in Ceuta 20 per cent. They are a group that tends to grow and this must be a disturbing concern if an elastic policy is to be followed concerning the interaction of the two cities with their geographical depths.

A Mined File

Till the question of the two cities is resolved, they will remain in the eyes of Morocco besides a national demand, a goal that must be reached for Morocco to restore its stature and role as a Mediteranean country.

In the Mediterranean basin, with the foundation of the European Union and with the emergence of Euro-Mediteranean politics, a political, economic and cultural space that may play a distinguished part in the international political scene has grown into being. As we have said, Morocco chose to be part and parcel of the international economy via its connection with this space and its growing proximity to Europe.

Although the European Union may go to great lengths to integrate countries from Eastern Europe, some have it that the European coalition that looms large, which will stand as a rival to America and Japan, will consist of a number of foci one of which are the countries of Southern Latin America that have traditional relations with countries of the Mediterranean on the Southern bank. In this regard, it is imperative to keep up with any progress made in this region that is vital for Morocco. This entails possessing the tools to communicate with the elements of this Mediterranean space. A case in point is developing Northern regions by means of a courageous program to develop the infrastructure especially ports to cement ties with the Mediterranean. 

Ceuta and Melilla have become a primary concern in a number of negative aspects. They are in particular the source of a huge, organised contraband and another of a low scale that ensures job opportunities in the informal economy. The scale of contraband was differently estimated and it has grown from four to five billion dirhams in 1982, from five to six billion dirhams in 1986 to ten billion in the early 1990s, according to newspapers and university researches. If contraband of the low scale relies on consumer goods, electric and electronic apparatuses and household utensils, contraband of the large scale includes cars, engines of industrial and agricultural machines, hard currency, gold and drugs of all kinds. Goods are smuggled from Ceuta and Melilla to nearby as well as distant markets, from Algeria where the word “trabando” emerged distorted from the Spanish word, to quarters in the middle of Europe. (See: Les altimas colonias, pp, 80-88) 

Since contraband emerged from the two cities towards Morocco in the 1960s as economic conditions in the Northern region worsened, it has become a means of making a living for no less than half a million people in the ocean of the peninsula of Tangiers and the Eastern Rif. The authorities are fully aware of the importance of contraband in the two regions in creating job opportunities within the framework of informal economy. Hence, the measures for chasing contraband the country has seasonally witnessed in the last years did not include the regions in the vicinity of Ceuta except when it came to drugs. 

Media indulgently talked about a manifest reality that the Eastern Rif and the region of Tetouan have magnetized the unemployed even from outlying places. This has thrown the two regions under the weight of growing numbers of the unemployed that cannot be contained. Observers have noted that the number of people getting identity cards issued from Tetuoan is remarkably on the rise because the inhabitants of Tetuoan have easy access to Ceuta by means of customs and security facilitations.

Rehabilitating the North

In February 1993, it was announced that twenty billion dirham were devoted to finance programs directed towards the rehabilitation of the North for nearly five millions of people. In the mid 1980s a similar pronouncement was made but the then government was unable to know how to put those programs into practice because the twenty billions spoken of in 1984 did not figure in the country’s financial law.

The old age of this file signifies the meaning we associate in Morocco with the word priority. In short, the file of the rehabilitation of the north moves very slowly.

The European Union was interested in the program of rehabilitating the North for reasons that concerns it. On top of these reasons is putting an end to immigration and substituting the cultivation of the Kif. The president of the EU addressed a letter concerning the program of the North in early 1993. (See the speech of his majesty the king on 10/ 02/ 93). Besides, an envoy from the EU visited Morocco in April1993 to see what the EU could offer to help Morocco accomplish the program for developing the Riff.

On 04/ 08/ 1993 the government agreed upon legislation 82/17 related to industrial investments within the framework of the royal speech concerning the development of the North. Then, the agency of the development of the Northern regions was formed and after a couple of months a manager was appointed on 20th June 1996. It goes without saying that these programs and desires need to be sponsored. The EU is expected to contribute to the program of the development of the North. It is also obvious that the Union has got urgent conditions concerning transparency and making sure that budgets are spent on the right persons and for the right purposes. On appointing the manager of the agency of the development of the North, his majesty the king pointed to this. Speaking of transparency that should dominate all the accounts of the agency, his majesty the king said that “its accounts and administration must be made known to the philanthropists from abroad as well as from home. Thereby, they will see for themselves where their money was spent and what end it came to”.

After exposing these aspects which the continuous colonization of Ceuta breeds and the historical, political and economic background characteristic of these aspects, we must observe the following:

There are two disparate speeds in dealing with the issue of Ceuta and Melilla. Concerning Spain, its lucrative, economic conditions and political development, which made it very well-positioned, availed it of many a card to back up its attitude in the EU as regards the Moroccan issue in particular. As regards Ceuta and Melilla, Spain has achieved a lot in cementing its attitude which had been vulnerable up to the 1980s. During the rule of the Socialist government, the law of immigrants was implemented in 1985 where the position of Moroccans in Ceuta and Melilla was decisively raised. In 1995, the system of local governance was enforced which caused a change in the administrative and legal status of the two cities. As far as Morocco is concerned, we believe that the question of priority which should be given to the development of the Northern regions is all the more crippled because of the political and economic conditions that give birth to other priorities. In this context, we wonder what effect the foundation of Bni Anssar port has had on the activity of the port of Melilla. This point should be explored. We have hugely invested therein. So, what are the economic and political results of this investment; we having entertained optimistic expectations being enthusiastically immersed in the policy of ports in the late 1970s? 

The legal state of affairs Spain has been creating through measures such as admitting self-rule in the two cities is not a preoccupying matter. This does in no way change the fact that Spain’s existence in Ceuta and Melilla is a colonial one. It is no more than another new change in the legal and administrative status of two cities whose regimes have changed twenty three times since the legislation of the constitution of Cadiz in 1912. What is really preoccupying is the ability of Morocco to viably expound its case, being internally strong and internationally well-positioned. 

Nowadays, the starting-point of international relations is premised on solving the pending problems amicably and cooperatively. However, it is inevitable that in every negotiation the two conflicting parties should stand on equal grounds. Otherwise, the reached agreements will be unfair and its results biased. Relations between Morocco and Spain throughout the past centuries have been marked by an amity that is suspicious or temporarily moments of conflict. During a rather short period relations between the two countries were marked by infirmities caused by forcing a humiliating condition on Morocco: dependency. That lasted for no more than forty years during the Protectorate era. There looms large at present clear signs to overcome past stigmas except that of Ceuta, Melilla and the Rocks.

Since democracy prevailed in Spain, the successive Spanish governments have been unable to solve the problem of Ceuta and Melilla. Meanwhile, the voice of extremists has been remarkably raised and the impediments and hindrances have grown. Entertaining the idea of the Spanishness of the two cities maybe a source of a feeling of unease because of the recent quagmire Spain has plunged into. Side by side the commemoration of the 500th anniversary of the occupation with accounts that surpass 110 pesetas comes the feeling that regardless of the advantages the city may be given, Melilla and Ceuta’s authorities’ hold on Madrid and Brussels will lose its effect in the long run. The economy of the two cities depends on the customs facilitations which the system of free port guarantees. The grants Brussels gives are meant to enhance the economy of the two cities to integrate it into the European cosmos. A fabricated economy lacking in vital element cannot go on withstanding the aftermaths of naturalization with the European milieu.
In other words, the two cities will be a burden that grows the heavier as time passes by. As a result of this bleak conception of the future those calling for provocative celebration of the memory of colonization in a way to endorse the colonial presence in the two cities moved convulsively. This stigma brings us back to the past and marks Spain’s attitude as unfounded not because it is irrational. Keeping rocks that can but hold the flagpole “as possessions belonging to the Spanish sovereignty” is a surrealist state of affairs at variance with modernity. Only through mutual respect can relations between Spain and Morocco get on well. Leaving the problem of colonization unresolved, self-respect is lacking let alone respect for the other who mars this dignity. 

Translated by Abdelmjid Kettioui