The high-speed rail track is the latest signal that the route to deficit reduction now runs via ‘saving to spend,’ explains Alan Shipman.
In expanding the UK government’s infrastructure-building commitments while pushing for another round of welfare spending cuts, Osborne has gone the opposite way to most of his post-war predecessors. They tended to let the welfare budget expand, as the inevitable consequence of falling income and rising social need during recession. To fund it, they traditionally swung the axe over capital projects – trusting that most existing roads, railways, power stations and public buildings could creak along for another year without major upgrades or replacement.
The northern extension of HS2 (see this Guardian video is just the latest in a long line of contrarian Coalition commitments, which also include a revived school rebuilding programme, support for the Crossrail project whose cost was questioned in opposition, and a new way of letting big institutions finance public investment projects. Although capital spending reductions announced in 2010 have not yet been fully reversed, it is now clear that further cuts to the government’s redistribution and running-costs will be used to finance new capital projects, and not directly repay debt.
The Coalition headstand
Past Chancellors have usually taken the opposite approach to ‘fiscal rebalancing’ because cuts to benefits and tax credits are more socially (and electorally) painful than cuts to most infrastructure projects. Indeed, big civil engineering plans often bring some distinctly uncivil responses from the ruling parties’ supporters, as confirmed by those living close to the proposed high-speed route (see HS2 route set to trigger fresh protests).
Economically, spending more on benefits has the merit of immediately boosting demand, by putting money into some of the poorest pockets – shortening the post-Christmas roster of retail-chain closures, even if not enough on its own to get the economy growing again. A higher welfare bill is traditionally the ‘automatic stabiliser’ that helps to end the recession which gave rise to it. In contrast, even a ‘shovel-ready’ infrastructure project can take months to get into motion. Those crossing affluent backyards can take years, even when planning procedures are fast-tracked to HS2 speed.
Osborne has taken the opposite approach because investment is the key to long-term expansion. A consumption boost worked in 2009-10, restoring the economy to growth, because there was plenty of spare capacity. But three years and a double-dip later, it’s uncertain how much idle machinery can still be easily switched back on. With unemployment falling, the amount of easily-redrafted labour is also unclear. Some economists fear another burst of inflation as rising demand hits inflexible supply. So investment, which adds to capacity as it boosts demand, looks like the safest way to engineer an upturn.
Investor of last resort
Another powerful argument for more public investment was delivered to the Treasury Select Committee at the end of January, as it probed the impact of Quantitative Easing (QE) – the wholesale purchase of government debt by the Bank of England. QE has enabled the Bank to keep base rates interest at a historically low 0.5% throughout the recession, when the wider public deficit and above-target inflation would normally have been expected to send them up. Low interest rates were intended to promote economic recovery, by boosting business investment and reviving the housing market.
But pensioners’ and pension-fund managers’ representatives pointed out two serious side-effects. Low interest rates widen the deficit on the remaining final-salary pension schemes, forcing big companies to divert funds away from investment so as to plug the gap. Low rates also flatten the incomes of pensioners, and others now living on their savings – squeezing their own expenditure, and tying the helping hand that previously assisted younger family members with home-deposits and other big expenditures (see this article).
So for low interest rates to be sure of stimulating recovery, those who benefit most from them have got to be willing to spend more. The government is the biggest beneficiary, and will still enjoy the country’s cheapest credit even if agencies downgrade its currently top (AAA) credit rating. As the damage to pension funds is already done, QE’s overall success may now rely on the Treasury’s ability to splash the cash.
Infrastructure spending has one other major benefit from the Chancellor’s perspective. Because the public outlay can lever-in substantial private investment , and because much of it will take place beyond the Treasury’s 5-year budgeting horizon, the succession of big projects announced with increasing boldness since 2010 need not undermine the Coalition’s promise to eliminate the structural budget deficit.
Many economists are anyway convinced that governments should borrow for public investment, and that the UK should follow standard accounting practice by separating its capital budget (on which rising debts are usually justified by rising assets) from its budget for current expenditure, where debts incurred in downturns should be paid down during recovery. The Treasury’s own forecasting model was highlighting the need for more public capital spending, even before the release of disappointing fourth-quarter growth figures. Osborne’s break with tradition, to boost investment, is fast becoming the new orthodoxy. It should help sidestep the awkward question of whether HS2 will eventually get him (First Class) from Plan A to Plan B.
Alan Shipman 6 February 2013
Alan Shipman is a lecturer in Economics at the Open University. He is responsible for the modules You and your money:personal finance in context and Personal investment in an uncertain world, part of the foundation degree in Financial Services.
Cartoon by Gary Edwards

