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When I was fourteen, ardent, scraggy and pustular, I fell
in love with a librarian. She was three or four years older than I was
and quite unapproachable behind the banks of cards at the issue counter.
Until that time I had visited our local public library every week or so
in search of books on my current consuming passion which happened to be
medieval arms and armour. I could tell all, in dismal detail, about the
distinctions between thirteenth and fifteenth century broadswords; I could
button-hole you on the subject of the evolution of the bassinet and armet.
I was, in other words, a bore and no lover. However, even I could detect
that as a seductive subject, something you could whisper in your mistress’s
ear, the tactical errors of the French at the battle of Agincourt left
a lot to be desired.
As soon as I had been struck by that dart which no plate
armour could deflect, I realised that I would have to change my ostensible
reading matter if I were to impress her. I began lurking by the shelves
of sixteenth and seventeenth century poetry. I specialised in the obscurest
of the Metaphysicals. I would hold the book open and up higher than normal
so that, while apparently reading, I could follow her progress as she
re-shelved the returns by looking along the gutter of the book as though
through the sights of a rifle. When she came within range I would suddenly
look up with a pained but thoughtful expression as though I had just been
struck by an unbearably poignant and apt conceit that bore all too close
a resemblance to my own predicament.
When it was time for the Library to close, when all the
pensioners who had nowhere else to go and who warmed their socks by stuffing
them between the fins of the radiators, had been turned out, I would collect
the oddest volumes of Kant and Hume and take them for date-stamping to
her in the hope that she would see more than the issue page, that she
would see how profound I was, how the Metaphysicals were only the light
stuff to while away a couple of odd hours before I got down to wrestling
with Kant, and no doubt throwing him too.
I’d be back two or three days later with my volumes of Kant
and Hume, but would not return them unless she were on the desk, for I
wanted her to understand that I had read them all; that, in my nights
rendered restless by love, I had struggled with and triumphed over those
great Enlightenment thinkers.
In truth, of course, those volumes had rested in a neat
pile by my bedside unwrestled with, unread, unopened while I slumbered
in unanguished and untroubled repose.
I recount this pathetic piece of my early adolescent history
not because I am under any delusions about its uniqueness, rather the
contrary, because I am convinced that, although its details may be different,
the pattern of behaviour, particularly the way in which I used books,
is not. From finely-bound folios residing in the purpose-built libraries
of eighteenth-century gentlemen who only used those libraries to fall
asleep in, through the pages of Codex Sinaiticus being used to light fires
in the Convent of St Catherine, to Bertie Wooster buying Spindrift because
Lady Florence catches him idly leafing through it in a book shop, we are
endlessly reminded that there are myriad reasons to buy, borrow and own
books which have absolutely nothing to do with any intention to read them.
Nor should we imagine that the intention to read saves a book from the
ignominious fate of so many of its fellows: Stephen Hawking’s A
Brief History of Time must be inching towards the Guinness Book of
Records accolade as the least read bestseller in the history of hype.
This leads us to the first and greatest caveat in the history
of reading: to own, buy, borrow or steal a book is no proof of wishing
to read it, let alone proof of having read it.
There are tedious people who quote in a semi-knowledgeable
way from books they have not read: ‘She just growed and growed like
Topsy’ they say without the faintest idea of who Topsy was or from
what book she came; there are quotations galore from Mr Micawber from
those who have never turned a page of David Copperfield; there
are those who will talk about some impending disaster concentrating the
mind without having read Johnson’s defensive comment on his work
for the Reverend William Dodd. I could go on.
The second caveat is that quoting, or misquoting, a text
is no proof of having read it.
In the period in which I am most interested (the nineteenth
century) the book was not the predominant form of text and, more than
likely, was not therefore the thing most commonly or widely read. By 1907,
as the first Census of Production makes clear, books in terms of net value
were worth some 14 % of the total value of print production (and that
included manuscript books and ledgers). The two areas of largest value
were, in ascending order, jobbing printing and periodical printing. The
most common reading experience, by the mid-nineteenth century at latest,
would most likely be the advertising poster, all the tickets, handbills
and forms generated by an industrial society, and the daily or weekly
paper. Most of this reading was, of course, never recorded or commented
upon for it was too much a part of the fabric of everyday life to be noticed.
The third caveat is, therefore, is that any reading recorded
in an historically recoverable way is, almost by definition, an exceptional
recording of an uncharacteristic event by an untypical person.
The history of reading is riddled with such enigmas and
uncertainties. Given all these problems, why should we even attempt it
when there are so many other aspects of book history where the evidence
is more solid and the methodology clearer? The answer is, of course, that
we’ve no alternative. To write the history of a product without also writing
the history of its consumption is to have a cart without a horse. Books,
as the judge agreed when the Net Book Agreement was successfully defended
in the 1960s, are different. They are not simply an industrial product
like a car or a refrigerator: the way books are read, who reads which
books, determines the intellectual and cultural context in which the next
generation of books will be read, indeed significantly influences the
views and techniques of those who will write the next generation of books.
The reading of books thus represents a very complex feedback loop which
partly determines the way in which text is written, manufactured, sold,
bought, borrowed - and read. However difficult it is to face, it will
be the development in the history of reading which will make sense of
all the other aspects of the history of the book - or not, if we don’t
manage to crack it.
A couple of years ago I attended one of the first international
conferences on the history of reading. It was a highly instructive event
with some quite outstanding papers: one on the function of John Dee’s
library; one on the reading of a particularly lively eighteenth-century
woman, Anna Larpent; and an excellent study of the clientele of one particular
provincial English bookseller. There were also, as there always are on
these occasions, papers that could be patented as non-toxic cures for
insomnia. But the ones that interested me the most were those that attempted
to generalise the historical experience of reading; they were interesting
because they were such catastrophic failures: failures for no other reason
than their generalisations were based on one, narrow piece of evidence,
or on no evidence at all worth speaking of. What this conference vividly
demonstrated was the emergence of new subject where the methodology was
still unformed and the resources needed still undefined. I looked forward
to the concluding plenary session of that conference in the full expectation
that the methodological problems would be highlighted and some proposals
put forward that might eventually solve them, or at least render them
more soluble. In fact the session was devoted to the need for more close
studies, more individual reader’s diaries to be investigated, more
late medieval glosses to be disinterred. It was the pragmatic view of
a Victorian naturalist: go away and fill another twenty cabinets full
of the most elegantly mounted moths and a solution is bound to emerge.
But, of course, it won’t; not unless you create some common ground
between all those armed with butterfly nets. As a minimum, firstly you
need to define the common and significant characteristics of a reading
experience so that, whatever else you record, and however unique the situation,
you note down factors that can be compared, example by example; secondly,
you create system that, however many cases of butterflies you collect,
you can call up any selection, from any case, in any order you choose.
These two necessities seemed to me to characterise a database management
system.
There seemed to be one other characteristic of the study
of the history of reading which made a large-scale database absolutely
vital. You cannot simply take on a PhD student and ask him or her to ‘go
out and study the history of reading’. Quite legitimately, your student
would respond by saying ‘But where?’. Unless you happen to have a cache
of detailed reading diaries hoarded up by a quiet curate somewhere, or
a collection of well-annotated 17th Century theology books, you’d be hard
put to it to suggest where the student might begin. The truth is that,
although not exclusively so, the evidence for reading is obscure, hidden,
scattered and fragmentary. Its discovery is often a matter of serendipity.
Again and again some of the best evidence for the history of reading tends
to be the by-product of other research: one stumbles over an extensively
glossed book, a diary entry reveals a day devoted to specific reading
with comments attached, a public library report refers to the odd reading
habits of a counting-house clerk, and so on. On their own they are nothing
more than picturesque anecdotes, listed together they seem too disparate
to mean much. Quite often these historical asides get recorded on 6x4
inch cards and then forgotten.
If we don’t do something about this evidence it will remain
permanently fragmented and useless. What if, however, we widely circulated
the news that we were collecting reading experience data and started,
modestly and quietly, to feed the information we got into a database?
The answer is, in the short term, nothing much: the bits and pieces wouldn’t
make much of a pattern or much of a resource. However, if the project
were sustained for five to ten years, or longer, then the volume of material,
and the fact that it could be searched in a multitude of ways, would make
it a major source for the historical study of reading. We should approach
the history of reading in the same way as wise (and affluent) parents
lay down wine for their children or, longer term, as eighteenth-century
landscape gardeners designed for fifty to one hundred years after their
time.
Thus did I argue in my valedictory editorial in the January
1991 issue the BTHG Newsletter which I directed specifically at the new
Centre for the Book at the British Library, arguing that such a new and
prestigious organisation ought to link itself to a new and prestigious
academic project - the Reading Experience Database or RED.
For a time nothing happened. Hardly surprising as the Centre
for the Book was a new, experimental agency and, like all such in this
country, was under-funded to the point of poverty. However, as the Centre
gradually sorted itself out, it found that it was in a position to provide
some secretarial help for the keying-in of data. The Open University offered
to provide a database program and space on its research mainframe computer.
Slowly things began to stir. In 1992 a Steering Committee was established
to design the mechanics of the scheme, to sort out a set of sensible parameters
that would define the chronological and geographical range of RED, and
to agonise over the design of the record form that each contributor would
be asked to fill in for each recorded reading experience. Discussions
continue but many of the major decisions have now been taken.
Our chronological scope will be wide, 1450-1914, and our
geographical scope reasonably generous: we are interested in readers born
or resident in the British Isles reading in any language whatsoever. This
means that we shall be interested, for instance, in what British-born
readers read when they were abroad (what did Milton read, and in what
circumstances, when he was in Italy?). We shall be concerned with what
other nationals read while they were here (what did Erasmus read when
he was in Cambridge?). We shall be recording what the first generation
of British settlers and, later, Irish emigrants read when they arrived
in the New World. We shall be cataloguing what was read in Latin, Greek,
Hebrew, Welsh, Erse and so on, as well as in English. We shall be interested
in whether reading took place in company or alone, whether the reading
was silent or aloud; and, if aloud and in company, whether the audience
listened passively or participated by making comments (when the paterfamilias
read the latest instalment of a Dickens novel to the assembled family,
did its members comment on or discuss the story? Were servants present
and , if so, how did they react?). We will not forget that many in the
past got their experience of texts from listening rather than reading.
We shall be interested in finding out to which socio-economic group the
reader belonged and the physical circumstances in which the reading took
place and at what time of day it occurred. We shall be keen to find out
whether the book (or whatever form the text took) was owned by the reader,
whether borrowed (from another individual or from a library), bought or
stolen or read in situ (how many of us have spent some time in a book
shop reading what we never intended to buy?).
Amid this open and inclusive policy of data-gathering there
will be certain restrictions: for the time being at least we shall not
be recording fictional examples of reading, we shall not be recording
the reading of private letters (though letters to newspapers and open
letters will be included) and we shall not be recording paid public performances
(such as Dickens’s readings).
Given such a scope, and given that we would like to record
as much information about each reading experience as possible, designing
the record form has been something of a nightmare. Anyone who has ever
tackled such a job knows what a problem this can be: you need to record
as much information as possible so the particularity of the experience
is caught like a fly in amber; on the other hand you want to encourage
as many people as possible to fill in as many record forms as practical,
and there is nothing like an over-elaborate form for curbing the enthusiastic
and deterring the averagely-committed. This process of form-designing
continues, but we are edging towards a compromise that will offer a largish
number of fields but will also suggest a minimum route through the form
that will require only five pieces of information. This will mean that
we shall be able to record anything from the most vague (’a person [gender
unspecified] reading a novel in the 1820s’) to the most precise (’Samuel
Pepys alone and silently reading John Rushworth’s Historical Collections
(1659) for "an hour or two" in his office in Seething Lane,
London before supper on the night of Sunday 6 December 1663’).
When the RED project is launched (in November 1995) we shall
send out copies of the RED form far and wide with the encouragement to
those who need more either to ask us or resort to photocopying. But our
reach will extend further than hard copy. We intend to use electronic
mail, electronic conferencing and that extraordinary world-wide network,
the Internet, to spread an ACSII version of the form. Should potential
contributors have a large amount of data to key-in we will send them a
version on floppy disk that will provide on-screen prompts to help them
fill in the form.
We do not expect, particularly in the early years of the
project when the momentum will still be building up, for there to a be
continuous, even flow of data coming in from contributors. On the contrary,
it is bound to come in fits and starts. For this reason the RED Steering
Committee is devising a long list of what it calls ’standard works’. These
are mostly either studies of reading that naturally record a large number
of examples of historical reading experience, or diaries, journals, autobiographies,
biographies, etc. which include many references to the central subject’s
reading matter. Both types of work will provide a density of data which
will justify the task of working systematically through them to extract
the reading experiences they record. This task will be undertaken by members
of the Steering Committee and by what we hope will be a large group of
volunteer enthusiasts. Many of these jobs will allow us to give a proper
academic justification to acts which would otherwise be pure pleasure:
who would object to reading Pepys’s diary or the collected letters of
Dickens? If anyone would like to suggest titles to be included in this
standard list, or who would like to volunteer as a RED reader, please
contact one of the two Directors of RED whose names appear at the end
of this article.
As suggested above, RED will take some time to mature, but
we hope that there will be enough information in the database within five
years to make it available to users on various networks. In time we hope
also to issue RED on a series of regularly up-dated CD-ROMs.
The RED projects ends several years of planning in November
1995 with a formal launch. Once it is up and running we hope to keep contributors
and, indeed, all those interested in the project in touch with how it
is developing by regular reports in all journals that have a natural interest
in the history of text and the ways in which texts were read in the past.
Who knows, in four or five years time you may be able to
type in ‘Kant’ and ‘1800-1830’ and find out who
during that period really read the Critique of Pure Reason rather
than just borrowed it to impress a potential girlfriend.
Simon Eliot, Project Supervisor
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