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Studying the Renaissance with the Open University

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Looking at the Renaissance

Art, architecture and the antique

For Giorgio Vasari, writing in the mid 16th century, the astonishing development of the visual arts during the previous 250 years was directly inspired by imitation of the antique. But the relationship between the visual arts and classical models was not anything like as clear cut as Vasari would have his readers believe. His perspective was that of a Florentine whose outlook had been moulded by humanism; hence he looked for the influence of the antique on the innovative artists he admired, and found it where it did not necessarily exist. So for example Giotto, who Vasari saw as the first to revive ancient art, cannot be signed up as an early example of classicizing; both his technique and subject matter derive in large measure from the new forms of spirituality associated with the Franciscans. The inspiration of classical forms jostles with a whole series of other influences on the development of the arts in the 14th century. It was only in the 15th century that there came to be an acceleration of classical influence on the visual arts as humanism became increasingly dominant in shaping the outlook of the elite. To have credibility a person had to demonstrate at least some acquaintance with classical learning; patrons demanded classicizing from artists and architects and such classicizing became increasingly faithful to antique models.

Where did these models come from? No antique painting was known until the discovery of the Golden House (Domus Aurea) of Nero, excavated in the last decade of the 15th century, so that painters were reliant on literary sources such as that of the Roman writer, Pliny the Elder, whose description of ancient Greek artists was buried in a book otherwise devoted to natural history. In contrast Roman coins and medals, sculpture and the remains of antique buildings were liberally scattered throughout Italy. The trip made to Rome by the sculptor Donatello and the architect Brunelleschi in the early years of the 15th century to draw and measure ancient remains signals the beginning of the serious pursuit of classical realism which gathered pace over the century. Making sense of these remains was helped by the discovery of classical texts relating to the visual arts. The most important of these, found in 1414, was that of Vitruvius, the Roman architect which laid down precise rules governing the mathematical proportions used in the construction of buildings. Vitruvius drew parallels between these proportions and those of the ideal human figure, a concept famously illustrated by Leonardo da Vinci in his drawing of 'Vitruvian Man'.

In the 16th century, classical treatises such as that of Vitruvius began to be imitated: for example Sebastian Serlio (1475-1554) published the first of his hugely influential architectural treatises in 1537. But even with classical rule books to hand, the artists of the Renaissance were open minded about the way that they used these sources. New buildings were, after all, erected within an existing context. They were also paid for by patrons who had firm agendas as to the functions of those buildings. So in appearance neither the Renaissance city nor the Renaissance court conformed perfectly to the rules. Venice for example identified more closely with the Eastern Roman Empire, Byzantium, than with ancient Rome. The city had for long conceived of itself in Imperial terms, and with the fall of Constantinople to the Turks in 1453, considered itself chief inheritor of the Byzantine legacy. Gentile Bellini's painting of the Procession of the Cross, (1496) triumphantly records Venice's sacred vision of itself, with the relic of the true cross being processed by massed ranks of religious fraternities before the gloriously ornate facade of St. Marks. Renaissance buildings in pure Vitruvian style were built in Venice: in the mid 16th century the Venetian authorites commissioned a perfectly proportioned, classically inspired library from Jacopo Sansovino, designed to house a spectacular collection of humanist books. But Venetian tradition meant that extensions to the Doge's Palace and to the Piazza San Marco in the 15th and 16th centuries were designed to merge as far as possible with existing buildings.

Equally, where a Renaissance court was not housed in classically correct buildings, this does not therefore mean that the prince and his builders had 'failed' to understand the classical models. Like the Venetians, princes saw the need to stress the continuity and hence the credentials of their regimes, for the visual arts had to speak in a language that would be understood and appreciated by those the prince needed to impress. Henry VIII for example was well aware of the most up to date styles when he commissioned the Florentine sculptor Pietro Torregiani to make his parents' tomb. Henry VII and Elizabeth of York's tomb is finished with immaculate classical detail. But it is surrounded by a gothic grill which reflects the perpendicular architecture of the chapel in Westminster Abbey in which they lie, a grill festooned with the chivalric emblems which still featured so largely in the mind set of Renaissance princes and their courtiers. The obsession with heraldry and its message of continuity is also evident at Hampton Court, a palace appropriated by Henry VII from Cardinal Wolsey on the latter's fall from favour in 1529. Henry did however reconstruct the interior, re-orientating it so that the lay-out more adequately expressed the function of the Renaissance court - as a theatre which constantly reiterated the authority of the prince.

Awareness of new styles was greatly accelerated by print. Increasingly sophisticated techniques of engraving made possible the production of minutely detailed illustrations, illustrations moreover that were not just a decoration but were themselves devices for teaching and for exposition. The fruit of the new techniques can be seen in scientific treatises as well as in the pattern books for architects or prints made from paintings. And as with art and architecture, so with science, we have to be wary of arguing for a simple one way relationship between the world of the ancients and that of Renaissance Europe. Interaction between the two was characterised more by a process of cultural negotiation than slavish emulation. Dioscorides' Materia Medica (1st century AD) for example, provides a model for many 16th-century herbals, but was nonetheless open to criticism on many fronts. This became particularly evident as knowledge of the exotic plant life of northern Europe and the New World - all absent from Dioscorides' original compilation - found its way into the pioneering work of German, Flemish and Dutch botanists.

Antique sources also offered the means of conferring prestige on occupations hitherto denied professional status. The anatomist for example, was long held as inferior to the university educated physician, because his 'manual' labours were seen as subsidiary to the main purpose of medicine. From the mid-16th century onward, however, the professional status of the anatomist underwent radical improvement, largely as a result of Vesalius's ground breaking study of the human body, which sought to invoke the authority of classical physicians, such as Galen.

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